Since the colonial epoch, the people of the Democratic Republic of Congo have endured series of gross human rights abuses and violations that contributed to mass poverty. The advent of democracy following the fall of the dictatorial has brought less hope for true democracy in the country.  Democracy can be easily tested through the extent to which the provisions of a constitution are respected.  Similarly, the basic human right of citizens  is to participate in free and fair elections. Since 2006, elections happened in the country. Unfortunately, during the 2006 and 2011 elections, cases of gross human rights abuses and violations were observed with aggravated casualties. As the country prepares for the 2016 elections, voices are being raised about concealment to delay or cancel the ballots resulted into violent demonstrations with negative consequences on the human rights of the once more. Through the review of local and international laws and policies on elections as well as reports and literature on human rights abuses and violations especially those linked to elections, this paper: (1) establishes that, for a young democracy such as the one of the Democratic Republic of Congo, free and fair elections are paramount human rights; (2) argues that human rights abuses and violations linked to elections have not only falsified the democracy process but contributed to worsening the under-development of the country and (3) recommends an effective human rights activism whereby citizens hold the government accountable and responsible in implementing democracy processes that respect human rights and facilitate development.

Paulin Mbecke . University du Moyen Lualaba (DRC) & University of the Free State (South Africa) . pmbecke@gmail.com

Poverty alleviation, achieving socioeconomic development and redressing the imbalances and inequality on the past have being the major challenges of the democratic South African government. Various pieces of legislation, policies, strategies and programs developed and implemented in this regards have proved insufficient. Similarly, the efforts of many actors on the journey to prosperity, justice and equality have reaped mediocre results. Universities and the communities through the engaged scholarship approach have a contribution. Through academic service learning by the universities and the community-based research within the community, the academia and the community can develop and implement project that contribute to community development. However, in many instances the poor and marginalized communities are often unaware of their socioeconomic and political rights preventing them to (1) claim such rights and (2) participate in community development programs.  This paper argues community awareness socioeconomic and political rights is the first and most important step in bringing them out of poverty and inequality. Engaged scholarship based on human rights activism can produce both (1) active citizens who claiming their rights and (2) concrete development projects that address the needs of communities. The paper revalues the contribution of Universities in building prosperous, just and equitable societies. Using a qualitative interdisciplinary investigative approach, it recommends a model on how to convert the University of the Free State into a space where human rights-based collaborative interventions contribute to greatest public goods.

Paulin Mbecke . University of the Free State (South Africa) and Universite du Moyen Lualaba (DRC) . pmbecke@gmail.com
Busisiwe Ntsele . University of the Free State (South Africa) . ntselebusisiwe@gmail.com

Cabo Verde vem se apresentando, tanto na bibliografia acadêmica quanto para as instituições estatais, como uma sociedade marcada pela família matrifocal e, em termos de relações de género, como patriarcal. Estas duas dimensões vêm sendo problematizadas, no âmbito das práticas estatais, especialmente a partir de 1991, desde um processo de democratização das instituições políticas. Foram criadas instituições voltadas à equidade de género, normativas, políticas e serviços para a garantia de direitos. Na minha trajetória de pesquisa, venho me dedicando ao estudo das políticas de género, com o objetivo de analisar o modo como uma agenda internacional neste campo se singulariza no contexto de Cabo Verde. Foi a partir deste interesse de pesquisa que identifiquei o predomínio de um discurso social que vem apostando na mudança de valores e em pedagogias de género, focalizando, essencialmente, a figura masculina e o desempenho das paternidades. Primeiramente, apresentarei elementos sobre o processo de construção da lei que criminalizou a violência de género (2011), para, posteriormente, apresentar algumas reflexões sobre o modo como os homens ingressam em políticas voltadas à equidade de género. A análise está amparada em dados etnográficos da pesquisa em desenvolvimento na Casa do Direito de Terra Branca/Praia (Ministério da Justiça) (2015); uma análise da campanha “Ami ê pai” (2013), realizada pela Comissão Nacional para os Direitos Humanos e a Cidadania e a Rede Laço Branco Cabo Verde; e na análise de documentos decorrentes da produção de normativas no campo da igualdade de género, no período entre 2011 a 2015.

Miriam Steffen Vieira . Unisinos/Brasil e Uni-CV/Cabo Verde . miriamsteffen@gmail.com

This article attempts to explore the place of Ethiopian Muslim’s religious activism, a movement of Ethiopian Islamic elites that claims to engage in a quest for religious equality and dignity. While the movement effort to distance itself from any form of exclusivism and terrorism, it also emphasize that the faithful should abhor laxity in faith – a religious notion that created misunderstanding among ‘others.’ This reform-attempt that considered as ‘extremism’ by opponents both within and outside, making the members, for example, a victim of the ‘Anti-Terrorist Law’ of the land – a paramount example how (secular) law often hardly considers religious thoughts  – the impact of which no doubt would terrorize the citizens and possibly challenge the long cherished togetherness of the Ethiopian people. This paper tries to present main claims and focus of the Ethiopian Muslim’s Reformist activists’ from historical point of view, explore their contemporary emphasis on value of belief and their ‘limited’ involvement for Islamic Reform, as an attempt to forwards discussion on tools in which the Ethiopian lawmakers would consider in an attempt to ‘reform’ the law that targets activism.

Afework Hailu Beyene . The Ethiopian Graduate School of Theology . afework.hailu@gmail.com

The principal aim of this paper is to critically examine the relationship of local non-governmental organisations with Zambian governments under Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), and the Patriotic Front (PF).   This paper is based primarily on field studies conducted in Zambia in 2010 and 2011, during which over 20 in-depth interviews were conducted with politicians, representatives of civil society, university workers and representatives of the mining industry. Additionally, the authors combined experience in Zambia spans over three years, including primary experience in relations between the NGO/AID field and local government from 2011-2014. The research process was guided by social constructivist epistemology, and the major finding is that relations between the MMD and later the PF government, and advocacy NGOs were characterized by mutual distrust, and mutual accusations of a lack of transparency and legitimacy, The NGOs were mainly employing a ‘name and shame’ strategy whilst engaging the government, which together with the government’s suspicious attitude towards NGOs created a specific ideational structure of mistrust and mutual suspicion. This dynamic has been extremely difficult to break, and is the dominant influence on government – NGOs relations. The commodity cycle, and the wealth and poverty it brings has also played a vital role in determining these relations, as they thaw and freeze depending on the boom/bust of the market.

Andrzej Polus . University of Wroclaw . andrzej.polus@gmail.com

David Berger . University of Wroclaw . David.berger@asu.edu

The Great Lakes Region of Africa, including Rwanda, Burundi, Republic Democratic of Congo, Cameroon, Republic of Congo, Uganda, has been a theater for different ethnic conflicts resulted to horrible killings of more Africans ( i.e: genocide of Tutsi in 1994 in Rwanda). During the assessment of the space for permanent dialogues between Rwandans and Congolese on both boarders (Goma and Gisenyi), the culminate causes of these conflicts are prejudices and stereotypes of ethnic groups living in these two countries. Different efforts in diplomatic areas have been managed, but still the groups of rebels are still in forests, waiting to find opportunities for putting in action their acts of violence. Resolving a problem addressing one content, country or ethnic group, in these dialogues revealed that doesn’t offer the permanent solutions. Destroying prejudices and stereotypes for building peace in the whole region, by the permanent dialogues, it is one of the best means of building a permanent non-violence peace that needed people for the great lakes region.

Jean de Dieu MIHIGO . APCM . mihijeandedieu@gmail.com

As grandes conquistas dos direitos humanos das mulheres no mundo e lutas pela igualdade de género foram alcançados através dos movimentos femininos de sociedade civil. Estes movimentos conseguiram mobilizar a camada feminina em torno de causas comuns, para as mulheres se candidatarem aos cargos políticos. No caso da Guine-Bissau, dada as sucessivas crises políticas, inumeras organizações de mulheres trabalharam para influênciar a participação das mulheres na agenda governartiva do País. Como por exemplo no processo da participação política de mulheres: as trajectorias de mulheres que conseguiran arena política, a dinâmica das organizações femininas na conquista dos direitos humanos e igualdade de género, a elaboração e o lançamento da “Declaração de Canchungo” em 2014. Apesar de alguma evolução positiva em torno dos direitos, a política continua a ser o espaço de discriminação dominado por atitudes masculinos. Neste contexto, que política para as mulheres?

Caterina . INEP  . caterinaviegas@yahoo.com.br

Judith . UNIOGBIS . mirembe@un.org

P01 – Exercises in activism and citizenship – trajectories of government – CSO’s relations in SSA

The panel’s focus on citizenship and activism will draw upon an understanding of political and social forces that have shaped civil society and government interaction. It will build from the supposition of an ideational structure of mutual suspicion and mistrust that has adversely affected activism. The panel aims at analyzing the evolution of CSOs’ role and position in Sub-Saharan Africa, through the examination of structures that promote development and activism. The panelists will attempt to outline a “map” of CSOs’ positions toward the governments in the entire region. Regional or country-orientated research proposals are also included as they provide vital references on the nature of CSO-government relations. In an effort to map CSOs’ role in activism, submissions that address historical, economic, cultural, political, policy-orientated, or even descriptive aspects of the evolution of CSO – government relations, are welcome. Additionally, panel conveners welcome proposals devoted to the evolution of the Sub-Saharan political landscape in times of economic decline as well as those related to relatively new aspects of CSO activism. These may include how (if at all) mobile technologies, wider access to information, and new means of communication and organization encourage mutual transparency and strengthen the social contract between government and citizens. Additional topics that address exogenous factors, including aid structures (Western vs. China and the emerging powers factor), political pressure, and economic pressure, will be focal points of discussion.

Papers